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(TEST) Lecture Replay | "Past and Present" of Chinese Women’s Organizations | 「平權在線」Equality Rights | Centre Chinese Law | Hong Kong – HKU

「平權在線」Equality Rights | Centre Chinese Law | Hong Kong - HKU

05 /11 2022

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Sexual Harassment
(TEST) Lecture Replay | "Past and Present" of Chinese Women’s Organizations
Affirmative Online

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婦女

Introduction: In the more than 100 years since the end of the Qing Dynasty, what changes have women’s organizations in China experienced in terms of their existence, social functions and legal environment? During which time period did the organization prosper and become powerful; at other times, it consciously “listened to the party’s words and followed the party”? Exploring this piece of history may lead to surprising discoveries.

The “Past and Present” of Chinese Women’s Organizations

Speaker: Feng Yuan

Hello everyone, what I am sharing with you today is “The Past and Present of Chinese Women’s Organizations”. Before I start today’s sharing, let me define a women’s organization. In a broad sense, organizations that promote equality among Chinese women are Chinese women’s organizations.

1. The mid-1897-1910s:

Breeding and flourishing in the era of reform and revolution, the international and local are integrated

From 1897 to the mid-1910s, international women’s organizations flourished alongside local women’s organizations. Different women, in the form of breaking national boundaries, are reunited.

(1) Foreign women in Chinese women’s organizations

From 1897 to the mid-1910s, women’s organizations bred and flourished in times of reform and revolution, and were influenced by both international and local influences. Take the women’s organization “Women’s Association” as an example, its members include not only Chinese women, but also foreign women.

(2) Foreign missionaries initiated and led Chinese women’s organizations

At that time, there were Chinese women’s organizations initiated and led by foreign missionaries, such as the “No Foot Binding Society” that advocated women’s liberation. In this regard, I have always believed that the term “women’s liberation” was later extended from the release of women’s bound feet to the release of women’s oppression and bondage in all aspects of society.

(3) Chinese women organized outside China

At the same time, Chinese women were also organizing abroad. Take the Chinese women’s organizations in Japan as an example, including the “Chinese Women’s Liu Donghui” (study in Dongyang), the Chinese Women’s Student Association in Japan, and the “Women’s Speech Club” established by Qiu Jin, etc.

2. The May Fourth Period: The Golden Age of Chinese Women’s Organizations

The May 4th period was a golden age for Chinese women’s organizations, and various propositions sprang up like bamboo shoots, including the government’s claims of women’s liberation, one-childhood, and non-marriage. Among the various women’s organizations, there are three main streams:

(1) Women’s Political Suffrage Groups

With the development of the Republic of China, the trend of women’s participation in politics emerged. Around 1921, special women’s political suffrage groups appeared, such as the Women’s Rights Movement Alliance during the Anti-Japanese War, the Civil Rights Movement Women’s League, and the Women’s Political Consultative Conference. In addition, some women have become parliamentarians in some provinces, such as Hunan and Guangdong.

(2) Christian women’s groups

During the May Fourth period, Christian women’s groups were the second largest mainstream. Worldwide, Christian women’s groups include the YWCA and various fellowships.

On the one hand, Christian women’s groups advocate the idea of equality through the concept of “equality before God”.

On the other hand, Christian women’s groups will also advocate for women to receive new education, including learning arithmetic, hygiene and housekeeping (not to let women be good wives and mothers, but to promote independent and healthy lifestyles). Moreover, Christian women’s groups will also carry out some vocational training for women to improve women’s vocational skills.

It is worth noting that many of the founders and activists of early Chinese women’s groups were Christians who had returned from studying in the West. When they returned to China, they also began to engage in the feminist movement. Therefore, Christian women’s groups actually cultivated a group of early active organizers for the Chinese women’s movement.

(3) Anarchist and Marxist-Leninist groups of women

With the translation of the Communist Manifesto into Chinese and the introduction of Marxism-Leninism into China, some groups of women were also deeply influenced by Marxism. For example, the Tianjin “Female Star Club” includes Guo Longzhen, Liu Qingyang and others, all of whom are active figures in the Chinese women’s movement and political movement in the future.

3. The mid-1920s: Chinese women’s organizations began the process of partyization

In the mid-1920s, China’s women’s organizations began to show the process of Partyization, entering a state of listening to the Party, following the Party, and being an affiliate of the Party.

(1) After the reorganization of the Kuomintang, it began to attach importance to women’s rights

After the reorganization of the Kuomintang, it began to pay attention to women’s rights. He Xiangning, the then Minister of the Women’s Department of the Kuomintang, not only put forward proposals related to women’s rights in the first and second National Congress of the Kuomintang, but also accepted the suggestion from Mrs. Borodin, the representative of the Third International, and began to commemorate the March 8th Women’s Day in China. .

(2) At the beginning of the establishment of the Communist Party, a women’s department was established

In the early days of the founding of the Communist Party, women’s departments within the party were also established, and women’s newspapers and periodicals were published to carry out work related to women’s rights.

When the CCP had no female party members, two women, Wang Huiwu and Gao Junman, led the CCP women’s organization as non-party members. Later, Wang Yizhi, Yang Zhihua, Xiang Jingyu and others, as leaders of the women’s department, launched the women’s movement.

(3) Women’s organizations in the cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, and the impact of the split of the Kuomintang and the Communist Party on women’s organizations

Deng Yingchao, a member of the Communist Party of China, joined the Kuomintang and became the secretary of the Women’s Department of the Kuomintang during the united front period of the Kuomintang and the Communist Party. In addition, the women’s organizations in the cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, in addition to overthrowing the warlords, are also carrying out some fierce feminist movements, such as cutting off some women’s hair and binding their feet on the streets.

But after the 1920s, the Kuomintang and the Communist Party split, which also had a great impact on women’s organizations.

(4) Non-Party Women’s Organizations

In the mid-1920s, although women’s organizations began the process of party formation, there was still a huge space outside the party to develop women’s organizations. Therefore, there may still be hundreds of existing and active women’s organizations in the country at that time.

For example, the Christian-related women’s organization “China Women’s Temperance Association” (the full name is China Christian Women’s Temperance Association), its name sounds conservative, but it also did a lot of work to promote women’s rights at that time.

4. During the Anti-Japanese War: Divided and combined Chinese and foreign struggle for human rights and internal struggle for women’s rights

During the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, as the two parties divided and merged in cooperation, women’s organizations also began to fight for the human rights of the Chinese people externally, and fought for women’s rights with the party or state powerholders internally. It can be said that it has reached a state of prosperity again. .

(1) Anti-Japanese Movement: National Salvation and Enlightenment, Human Rights and Women’s Rights, such as the development of Xinjiang women’s organizations

In the late 1930s, women’s organizations in Xinjiang began to develop. For example, in Urumqi, some women’s organizations carried out activities such as acting and singing, and published many newspapers and periodicals.

(2) The space and limitations of the “Women’s Guidance Committee”: Characters Song Meiling and Liu Qingyang

During the Anti-Japanese War, there were also many active women’s organizations in the mainland, including the “Women’s Guidance Committee” (Women’s Movement Steering Committee).

On the one hand, the members of the Women’s Guidance Committee present traditional female images, such as officials’ wives; on the other hand, these wives are all educated and sometimes express some feminist views, but some individuals Not so feminist either.

(3) Fight back against “women go home” and fight for the rights of female employees

During the war of resistance against Japan, Song Meiling, the wife of Chiang Kai-shek, finally stopped coming out of the shadow of her husband and began to make great plans. She not only promoted the development of the Kuomintang’s air force, but also established a large number of women-related departments, including a training center for women cadres.

Later, Soong Meiling chose to invite Liu Qingyang (an early Communist Party member) to be specially responsible for the training of women cadres. Liu Qingyang also tried his best to not only refute the statement that “women go home”, but also fight for the welfare of female staff, and oppose the gender discrimination of relevant departments not to recruit female staff.

In addition, in the base areas under the leadership of the Communist Party, there are also a large number of women’s organizations, women’s rescue associations, and women’s organizations, constantly mobilizing young people, women, etc., to participate in large-scale production in the base areas and support front-line work.

This means that in the period of the Anti-Japanese War, when the country was destroyed and the nation survived, the voice of women’s rights was still very loud. After all, without women’s rights, there would be no human rights in China.

The late 1950s and 1940s: The CCP issued a strong voice for women’s rights

In the late 1940s after the Anti-Japanese War, the Communist Party of China issued a very loud and even exhausting voice for women’s rights, and closely linked women’s rights and national democracy. Here is an example:

After the Second World War in 1945, the United Nations established the United Nations Economic and Social Commission with a women’s group.

As a member of the group, Eleanor Roosevelt (the wife of President Roosevelt) launched 19 women’s groups, planned to convene a world women’s conference in October 1946, and invited China. Deng Yingchao (the then female leader of the CCP), a representative of Chinese women, began to actively apply for a passport after receiving the invitation to attend.

In the process of applying for a passport, Deng was worried that he would not be able to obtain a passport, so on September 6, 1946, he held a Chinese and foreign press conference in Shanghai, and said: “As far back as last July, several major European countries initiated The International Women’s Conference was held. After a short period of preparation, the conference was held in Paris at the end of November last year. Women representatives from more than 40 countries including Britain, the United States, France, and the Soviet Union attended the conference. The main purpose of this conference is to How to eliminate fascism in the world, and at the same time to strengthen the unity of international women, and to fight for world peace and democracy. In the conference, a regular organization was established – the International Federation of Democratic Women. The director of the federation, It was stipulated that Chinese women should occupy 8 seats. At that time, the Women’s Federation of the Liberated Areas of China was notified that they could occupy three seats, two formal directors and one alternate director.”

The Liberated Area elected Cai Chang, Deng Yingchao and Ding Ling, however, Deng Yingchao said, “In early May of this year, I was informed that I would arrive in Paris in early June to hold the first council meeting, but unfortunately I could not attend because I could not get a passport. “I think if today China is a democratic China, a democratic regime, I should get the minimum democratic rights. But the activities of people’s organizations are so monopolized by the government, which obviously shows that today’s Chinese government is still a one-party dictatorship, In addition, the international activities of various parties and people are also arranged by one party. However, I still request the government to take into account the impact of international cooperation, and not to cause a bad impression and consequences for the Chinese government in the world because of the attendance of one person. ”

Deng Yingchao ultimately failed to make the trip. But 17 newspapers published her remarks and her consultation with fellow women across the country on the meeting’s agenda. Women in the liberated areas were also notified. A month later, more than 2,000 people expressed their views on building a new post-war world political, economic, cultural, and social order to achieve world democracy and peace. These comments were sent to the General Assembly.

Sixties, fifties and eighties:

The dominance, paralysis and regeneration of the All-China Women’s Federation, the emergence of horizontal organization

From the 1950s to the 1980s, the All-China Women’s Federation entered a state of dominance, but it was paralyzed during the Cultural Revolution and reborn after the Cultural Revolution. At the same time, some horizontal women’s organizations emerged.

(1) The dominance of the All-China Women’s Federation

After 1958, the general and branch offices of the Chinese Women’s Temperance Association, which were the symbols of the United Front, gradually ceased their activities. The YWCA still exists, but is not active. At this time, the All-China Women’s Federation was almost the only women’s organization.

(2) During the Cultural Revolution, the Women’s Federation was paralyzed

From 1966 to 1973, the All-China Women’s Federation ceased its activities. “Chinese Women” magazine also ceased publication in September 1966, and did not resume publication until 1978.

(3) Discussion on the positioning and functions of the All-China Women’s Federation in the 1980s

In the 1980s, the All-China Women’s Federation re-discussed its own position and functions, and made it clear that it would safeguard women’s rights and interests and protect children’s rights.

4. The Thriving of Women’s Research Organizations

In 1984, the “horizontal organization” of female intellectuals was born under the incubation of the Shanghai Women’s Federation, and soon thousands of sororities and associations of female professionals appeared all over the country. Women’s studies organizations are booming.

7. The mid-1990s to the mid-2010s: Heading forward amid fetters and scarcity

From the 1990s to the mid-2010s, facing many social constraints and suppression, women’s organizations marched forward in the fetters and scarcity.

(1) Women’s horizontal organizations and research institutions continue to exist and develop

Since 1989, the whole social atmosphere has been very tense, and many organizations have not dared to speak out easily. But in the early 1990s, women’s magazines, including Women and Power, began to initiate discussions about women’s political participation. At the same time, women’s horizontal organizations and research institutions continued to exist and developed.

(2) In 1994, NGOs became Chinese

In 1994, China hosted the World Conference on Women, and the NGO Forum became a parallel forum. Since then, NGO has become a specialized term (in Chinese) that appears in Chinese newspapers.

At the same time, some independent, informal or formal new women’s organizations began to move out of the urban and intellectual circles and into the rural areas and among migrant workers. That is to say, among migrant workers, independent, formal or informal women’s organizations have also begun to appear.

(3) Beginning in 1996, folk women have inherited the “Ninth Five-Year Spirit” by commemorating the World Women’s Association every autumn

Since 1996, the Folk Women’s Association has inherited the “Nineth Five-Year Spirit” every autumn in commemoration of the World Women’s Association.

The spirit of the 9th Five-Year Plan refers to “women’s organizations are not anti-government, anarchy, or vassals of the government, but partners of the government.” Women’s organizations should not only serve women, but also “check and fill gaps” in the institutional guarantee of women’s rights and interests, and promote the improvement of relevant national policies.

(4) Since the mid-1990s, women’s organizations have consciously promoted the national

Gender equality is not only the task of women’s organizations, but also the primary responsibility of the government. Especially under the premise that the government has the power to allocate funds and resources, it is even more necessary for the government to allocate the necessary resources in terms of women’s rights and interests.

Therefore, from the mid-1990s, the relationship between women’s organizations and the state began to change, and based on new understandings and practices, women’s organizations consciously pushed the state to protect women’s rights. For example, the promulgation of the “Anti-Domestic Violence Law” was proposed by women’s organizations, and then cooperated with the All-China Women’s Federation to promote the process of legislation.

(5) Networking, alliances, and internal governance issues of independent women’s organizations have received attention

After entering the 21st century, women’s organizations have emerged online and alliances, such as the “Anti-Domestic Violence Network” is an alliance. In addition, the internal governance of women’s organizations, such as democratic participation, has also received attention.

8. Since the mid-2010s: more complex situations, more possibilities

Since the mid-2010s, women’s organizations have faced a more complex situation and more possibilities, good and bad.

(1) The LBTQ group has gradually increased, and women’s organizations were once very active

With the gradual emergence of LGBT groups in society, female sexual minorities have also begun to participate in feminist issues, which made women’s organizations very active for a time, and the topics discussed have also been further developed.

(2) The rise and fall of women’s organizations born in the 1995s

Some of the women’s organizations that were born in the 1995th World Women’s Association are still developing, such as the “Women and Children’s Legal Psychological Service Center” in Xishuangbanna, Yunnan. Some organizations have disappeared, and some organizations have changed their identities and continue to serve women groups. .

(3) With the emergence of blogs and social media, women’s organizations in the Internet age have gained new momentum

With the emergence of social media such as blogs, Weibo, WeChat, and Douban, women’s organizations in the Internet age have gained new momentum, and as a result, some informal and more flexible women’s organizations have emerged.

(4) Implementation of the INGO Law in 2017

In 2017, the “Law on the Administration of Domestic Activities of Overseas Non-Governmental Organizations (INGO)” was officially implemented, which brought new challenges to many women’s organizations.

(5) “WeChat Groups” during the Epidemic Period

During the epidemic, due to the inability to meet offline, many women’s organizations used online WeChat groups to advocate gender issues and promote the public’s attention to the needs of women during the epidemic.

Q&A Session Q and A

Q1: What are the horizontal and vertical women’s organizations? Why were there so many horizontal women’s organizations from 1980 to 1993?

Feng Yuan: Vertical organization refers to a “top-down” organization, commonly known as “stripes”, such as units that follow “central-province-city-county”. Horizontal organization emphasizes breaking the limitations and constraints of different departments, the top-down power structure, and breaking away from fragmented and dependent units; horizontal organization enables women to find people with commonality.

As for the reason why the horizontal women’s organization was active in the 1980s, it was because of the reform and development that broke the shackles of the planned economy and the work unit system on people. Against the background of this era, local women’s federations began to encourage and incubate women’s organizations; some organizations were group members of the women’s federation, but were not affiliated with the women’s federation and had a certain degree of independence.

In addition, the earliest form of civil society, and the response of the World Women’s Association and NGOs to women, also originated from the opening of society and the government’s support to a certain extent after the 1980s.

Q2: During which period did the economic and political status of women make substantial progress? If so, in what form does it take place?

Feng Yuan: There is progress in every period. But women’s equality doesn’t happen overnight, so it’s impossible to compare which period was stronger.

For example, the early women’s organization “The Women’s Society” promoted the advancement of women’s rights by running newspapers and advocating new types of education. At that time, due to the lack of education opportunities for women, the Women’s Association not only promoted new education, but also emphasized the equal right to education of men and women.

Taking the advocacy of “freedom of love and marriage” during the May Fourth period as an example, he emphasized that love and marriage will have a huge impact on people’s lives, so that women can also control their own choice of marriage and love. Therefore, I think there has been progress in each period, but it has not yet reached the ideal state we expected, so it needs to continue to push.

Q3 : How to define independent or informal women’s organizations from an institutional perspective?

Feng Yuan: First, let’s clarify the difference between formal and informal organizations. Formal women’s organizations have a set of strict rules and regulations and must operate according to fixed charters. Moreover, some of the better formal organizations will have clear budgets and legal person status, even non-profit legal person status.

So what is the status of informal organizations? Take the term “bag company” as an example, which usually refers to companies that do not have offices, formal staff, or funds, but have official seals. The person in charge of the company will carry the official seal with him and can work anytime, anywhere.

Therefore, an informal women’s organization means that there is no formal legal identity, no independent legal person, no office, and no internal divisions such as general manager and secretary general, but the staff will work in a mutually agreed manner.

Second, how to define independence? In my opinion, an independent women’s organization should be independent in its members, decision-making and policies, and the money can come from any organization. However, in the social environment of mainland China, women’s organizations are largely influenced by policies and cannot achieve independent status.

Q4 : Do the actions and advocacy of women’s organizations differ between urban and rural areas and between provinces and cities?

Feng Yuan: Yes. Based on factors such as different regions, ethnic groups, political and cultural backgrounds, etc., there are different types of women’s organizations across the country, targeting different target groups. In addition, the actions and propositions of these women’s organizations are independently formulated.

For example, an organization targeting women workers in factories, or an organization targeting women working in places where migrants live, and an organization focusing on women in urban-rural fringes, the actions and propositions of these three organizations are definitely different.

Q5: What is the relationship between the Women’s Federation and women’s organizations?

Feng Yuan: I think it is a kind of cooperative relationship – this kind of cooperation is a state of mutual dislike. We may not know each other and have no connection; but we have a connection and can sense each other. Even if our ideas are not completely the same, we can achieve the goal of cooperation in various ways.

For example, the promulgation of the “Anti-Domestic Violence Law” is a collaboration between the Women’s Federation and other independent women’s organizations. In the process of promoting anti-domestic violence, the anti-domestic violence network communicates with the All-China Women’s Federation, in order to achieve the goal of safeguarding the rights and interests of female victims.

Although women’s federations and women’s organizations rarely have opportunities for dialogue, I think we should have a more diverse understanding of cooperation – no matter how different the non-governmental women’s organizations and women’s federations are, we all need each other’s presence. And strive to create the possibility of cooperation.

In order to achieve the goal of women’s equality, we must learn to work with different people, different roles, and different organizations, so as to promote the progress of the whole society.

Q6: What is the involvement of the Women’s Federation in the legal field?

Feng Yuan: First, the source is involved. The Women’s Federation has done advocacy work in the formulation of legislation and policies, such as the abolition of the crime of prostituting underage girls. During this process, although other women’s organizations such as Qianqian Law Firm (formerly Peking University Women’s Legal Research and Service Center) and Zhongze have done a lot of work, the Women’s Federation has also done their best.

Second, the Women’s Federation has the function of safeguarding rights. Local women’s federations at all levels have rights and interests departments, bringing together local female lawyers and lawyers willing to serve women’s rights and interests. Although these lawyers do not necessarily have a strong sense of gender equality; but for women in need of services, the women’s federation is the fastest way to connect to various resources.

Third, the Women’s Federation can operate through the mechanism within the system to provide women with free legal services. Because when it comes to legal aid, the barriers to getting free services are high. This is undoubtedly a lot of hardship for some women who have suffered domestic violence – they have difficulty in controlling their own and their family’s property, so asking the Women’s Federation is a convenient way.

Fourth, the Women’s Federation has the right to supervise. The Women’s Federation has implemented a social gender assessment mechanism across the country, which will assess the gender impact of policy introduction and implementation, especially the impact on women’s rights and interests. Moreover, the Women’s Federation implements an interview mechanism in this process, which can interview perpetrators and related units who violate women’s rights and interests.

Up to now, although many women’s federation staff have insufficient awareness of gender equality and lack of action, the women’s federation has played a lot of roles in the formulation, reform, and improvement of laws. Therefore, I suggest that if you need it, you can still turn to the Women’s Federation to encourage them to use their existing resources to better serve women within the system.

Q7 : Will the Women’s Federation protect the legitimate rights and interests of transgender women? If transgender women, including the entire LGBTQ community, seek help from the Women’s Federation, will they get a response?

Feng Yuan: Regardless of whether the Women’s Federation will respond or not, I encourage everyone to seek help from the Women’s Federation.

If a transgender woman (physical male, psychological female) wishes to live in society as a woman, she will face some issues related to women’s rights. If the individual is a transgender male, he may also be physically affected by some female bodies – these are all related to women, and the Women’s Federation should be consulted.

Q8 : How do you see the relationship between the feminist movement and other social movements?

Feng Yuan: The feminist movement is not only an independent movement, but also must be combined with other movements (such as labor movement, environmental protection, etc.). Because anything related to human beings involves issues of gender and feminism.

Take the Mi Rabbit Movement as an example, which is an intuitive example of combining with other social movements. The Mi Rabbit Movement broke out in all walks of life, even in the public welfare industry. It also caused the review and reflection of various organizations and staff, and thus began to incorporate gender equality-related training into sports and organizations.

I believe that all social movements are about promoting fairness, justice, equality. The feminist movement is naturally one of its allies. However, social movements are still under the influence of mainstream power structures, and women do not have enough voice and decision-making power in these movements and organizations, so more thinking and action are needed.

Q9 : Do phenomena such as “female medical staff shaving their heads” and “Chinese girls are on hot searches” reflect the regression of feminist awareness in the whole society?

Feng Yuan: Just because there are some phenomena in society, we should not think that the overall feminist consciousness is going backwards. Because no matter when there are people with advanced feminist consciousness, there are also many people who follow the outdated gender consciousness. People who praise female healthcare workers for shaving their heads, for example, may also oppose same-sex marriage.

In addition, the exposure of the media and the current publicity mechanism may be based on the purpose of attracting public attention and traffic, rather than reflecting the real status quo. But in my opinion, the public’s attitude towards sexual harassment, domestic violence and other incidents is becoming more and more zero-tolerance, so the overall feminist awareness is still on the rise.

Q10 : On the Internet, some feminists (keyboard organizers) take the initiative to share their ideas and promote some simple ideas of sexual equality. But it can also lead to some non-emotional and irrational comments, which can only deepen the public’s stigma against feminism. What do you think of these feminists?

Feng Yuan: In my opinion, Weibo feminism is one type of keyboard organizer. On the one hand, their words will be controversial; on the other hand, they are indeed doing something.

During the epidemic, many feminists on Weibo sent masks to female sanitation workers in cities near Wuhan, and organized everyone to take turns on duty in the WeChat group, only to provide services for pregnant women who are about to give birth… These behaviors, in fact No irrational emotions are elicited at all.

Furthermore, no matter what views we express, some will always be stigmatized by some as “aggressive feminism.” So in the face of these inherent prejudices, we don’t need to care at all. Instead, we must be more sure of the meaning and value of our actions because of the existence of these stigmas.

Q11: What impact does the Law on the Administration of Domestic Activities of Overseas NGOs have on women’s organizations?

Feng Yuan: The focus of the Law on the Administration of Domestic Activities of Overseas NGOs is management, that is, if an organization is not a non-profit organization, it cannot cooperate with overseas NGOs. However, cooperation with overseas NGOs is not the only way out for women’s organizations. In the future, we can continue to use our imagination to do all kinds of work.

For example, we can cooperate with one person, multiple people, LBTQ groups, and even some men who are interested in the topic. As Qiu Jin once said, “If you don’t form groups, women’s rights cannot flourish.”

Q12 : What do you think about the future development of women’s organizations?

Feng Yuan: In the future, we can develop feminist organizations more flexibly through non-organized (unorganized) forms.

Take the “Anti-Domestic Violence Vaccine” initiative (writing an anti-domestic violence proposal letter to neighborhood neighbors during the epidemic) as an example. I find this initiative very instructive; we can think of “gender inequality” as a disease, and everyone is a little vaccine for gender equality that works anytime, anywhere.

We may not be able to set up an organization, but we can be a keyboard organizer through the Internet and continue to advocate gender and gender issues for the public.

Q13 : Which trusted women’s organizations are recommended?

Feng Yuan: It cannot be generalized. Every women’s organization has its own strengths.

In my opinion, individuals should choose organizations in the fields they need, such as employment rights, gender-based violence, women’s health, etc., according to their own needs. In addition, I also recommend that you communicate more with people around you who have a sense of equality, or search for books and materials related to this through keywords, so that you can gradually get more information about gender issues.

Reference link:

http://www.equality-beijing.org/newinfo.aspx?id=85

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(TEST) Lecture Replay | "Past and Present" of Chinese Women’s Organizations
Introduction: In the more than 100 years since the end of the Qing Dynasty, what changes have women’s organizations in China experienced in terms of ...

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Disability Rights

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#Test #Test 2
從立體主義的角度學習
從立體主義的角度學習 大約在1907年至1908年,立體主義是由藝術家畢卡索和喬治·布拉克發明和發展 ...

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LGBT+
WHAT IS THE SIGNIFICANCE OF CHINA’S #METOO MOVEMENT?
Sexual harassment is not only a social problem but also a legal issue. The prevention and treatment of sexual harassment is the legal responsibility of ...

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